A Portrait of Modern Britain: Ethnicity & Religion’ – a Report from Policy Exchange. # 198. 13/05/2025.
Out of Many, One People
Welcome back - to another report summary. Despite its fairly conservative provenance and conclusions which run against many ‘anti-racist’ or progressive assumptions, I have yet to see very much push-back against it. Can anyone inform me?
A Portrait of Modern Britain: Ethnicity & Religion’ – a Report from Policy Exchange.
Policy Exchange, a right-leaning think tank, has produced a comprehensive account of ethnicity in Britain (religion barely features) combining both material from public sources, notably the 2021 Census, and from their own commissioned polling of the national population, supplemented by booster cohorts from the main ethnic minorities, and alongside in-depth interviews with minority ethnic people. It has been written up by Iain Mansfield of Policy Exchange and the academic Rakib Ehsan. (His book ‘Beyond Grievance’ is reviewed at blog #126, 11/07/2023). Its orientation is indicated by having Trevor Phillips provide the Foreword, and interspersed comments by Tony Sewell and Dr Alka Seghal amongst others. [In a report so strongly based on statistics, it is concerning that in the Table 8 on p 106 the column for Black Africans mis-transcribes the statistics for Black Caribbeans, whereas the text gives what are presumably correct figures.]
The Report’s use of both publicly available statistics and in person interviews leads to evidence of slightly different, though merging, value – on the one hand fairly ‘hard’ comparisons of different outcomes from the various ethnic groups, and on the other hand ‘softer’ expressions of subjective feelings and experience.
Some Demographic observations.
Before looking at the main themes that emerge from the Report it is worth noting some more specific point about particular ethnic groups in Britain
* The Irish Traveller and Gypsy/Roma groups regularly provide the worst outcomes, notably in education and school exclusions. Overall the Report pays little attention to them and they were not included in the ‘booster’ sample of interviews of people from ethnic minorities. They are not included in several of the statistical tables and are often not included in the main purview of the Report.
* The ‘Mixed Race’ group are noted both as the fastest growing demographic in Britain, and also being ‘under-researched’ (p 69). They often produce the most negative results, with high level of school exclusions (p 70), or being the group least likely to think children should be taught to be proud of Britain and its history (p 24), or indeed thinking having children is even a good thing (p 60). When children of White and African Caribbean background are identified separately the outcomes are particularly negative.
* The positives of the ‘White Irish’ category are notable and not widely commented on, but they get the best A level results apart from the Chinese (p 72), and have the highest percentage of workers in top-tier occupations (p 77).
* The Report pioneers the concept of ‘MINTs’ (Minorities in Towns) to identify the particularly rapid growth of minority ethnic populations in towns adjacent to large conurbations (Thurrock, Swindon, Nuneaton) sharing the twin advantages of both ready access to employment but also more appealing environments and educational provision (pp 49-53).
* The proportionately large growth of ‘Arab’ population, from 0.4 to 0.6% of the population 2011-2021, presumably migrants from the conflicts in the Middle East, indicates the appearance of another significant ethnic group.
Main emphases emerging from the report.
Class matters more than race.
Amongst the ethnic minority sample 54% thought that class was the major determinant in succeeding in modern Britain, as opposed to 26% opting for race (p 21). Consequently one of the Report’s recommendations was that class and poverty should be the main focus of the Social Mobility Commission (p 29). The significance of class for outcomes in the White majority is indicated by the education statistics. ‘What is especially startling . . . is the relatively low level of academic attainment among the white-British working-class, even when compared to similarly socio-economically disadvantaged peers in ethnic-minority groups’ (p 67, and Figure 18 on p 69). By A levels White British children are doing better, presumably because a proportion of working class children have dropped out by then, whilst at University level it is White British students who are most likely to get first-class degrees. As often, ‘White’ outcomes are obscure because the differences between the working class/poor and the rest are far more marked in this group.
Ethnic minorities outperform the white population on multiple criteria.
One important innovation in the Report is the construction of the important ‘Economic and Educational Index’ (EEI), focussing on four main indicators: level of school attainment, the proportion of workers in managerial and professional roles, average hourly pay, and the rate of home ownership. The outcomes form three fairly clear bands. Highest scoring are the Indians, closely followed by the Chinese and White Irish. Significantly lower are the White British and Pakistani groups, and in the lowest group are Black African, Black Caribbean and Bangladeshi cohorts (p 123). Meanwhile average hourly pay for Asians is now higher than for any other broad racial group (p 78)
Somewhat counter-intuitively, in terms of satisfaction with life, good psychological well-being and happiness, Black people score highest, followed by Asians with White people lowest (p 87).
In terms of overall health there are variations in outcomes by ethnicity, with the (for me) doleful information that white males have the lowest of all life expectancy, apart from Mixed Race men.
Family stability is determinative for success.
Recommendation 13 urges ‘a more family-friendly agenda’ (p 134) including fully transferable tax allowance for married couples . ‘What shines through . . .this report, and helps explain their success, is the family orientated nature of ethnic minorities’ (p19).
Further, the Report’s recommendation of the positive and fundamental importance of stable family structure sits alongside its wise recognition of the need for basic, but elusive and far-reaching change in our national culture. ‘In a period of fast-paced secularisation and the rise of material individualism, it would require fundamental cultural change - perhaps driven by influential socially conservative actors maximising the power of technology and social media - to turbo-charge a renewed respect for the institution of marriage and instilling a widespread belief that raising children in a good and proper way is a patriotic act of civic duty in modern Britain. A more family-centred government policy agenda would need to be complemented by a cultural sea change encouraged by traditional-minded elements of civil society’ (p 129). The point is re-enforced by the observation of Kunle Olulode that ‘Unfortunately, there has been an erosion of the notion of the respectable working class-especially in white British and black Caribbean communities’.
Major differences between ethnic minorities.
‘While there remain significant variation in all areas between different ethnic groups, these are increasingly non-linear and unpredictable, with a wide diversity of outcomes and attitudes across almost every area of life’ (p 37). Not only should terms such as BAME be dropped, but so too should be jumbling together ‘co-racial’ groups. Not only do the different (south) Asian groups show important and obvious divergences, but also gathering under ‘Black’ people with backgrounds in the Caribbean and Africa confuses rather than illuminates. Mercy Muroki makes the important comment that ‘Despite the black African population in the UK being well over 1million people, there is a tendency for the ‘Caribbean experience’ to be the reference point when understanding life in ‘Black Britain’’ (p 122). But even under the heading ‘Africa’ the major differences between, say, Nigerians and Somalis gets obscured. As Trevor Phillips comments ‘Many of our minority communities are more unlike each other – in education, in employment, in health, in family formation – than they are unlike the white majority’ (p 10).
Given the weight of evidence against the validity of bulked-up ethnic terms the Report shrewdly comments: ‘the endurance and stickability of the BAME label suggests either a long-term mainstream ignorance of such ethnic differences . . . or a concerted ideological effort to hide variations in political integration between non-white groups which have at times been caricatured as a disaffected and alienated collective’ (pp 94-95). The hermeneutics of suspicion is here well-justified.
At home in Britain.
The Report consistently disabuses the belief that ethnic minorities feel alienated or marginalised in Britain, and in-passing takes several side-swipes at seeing the USA as a template for Britain. The belief that Britain has been a force for good in the world is only slightly less amongst Black Africans than amongst the General Population (a net agreement of 45% to 47%). It is less high amongst South Asians, and at only 9% amongst the seemingly alienated Mixed Race group. Outcomes are similar on whether children should be taught to be proud of Britain and its history (p 114).
As regards a sense of national pride and belonging generated by a range of recent events, minorities were often more positive than the General Population, especially Black Caribbean people, including over Covid-19 vaccine roll-out and support for Ukraine. As often, the Mixed race group were the most disaffected (p 117). Both Black groups also scored highest on Indices for Social Integration and National Belonging, though conversely they reported the lowest scores on ‘No reported discrimination over the past year’: 26% in the case of Black Africans, set against 46% for Chinese (p 106).
Nonetheless the Report is aware of the continuing fragility of its positive portrait of Britain. Clearly last summer’s riots were an unwelcome shock. Trevor Phillips expresses personal hurt at the continuation of on-line abuse as a replacement for physical violence. The Report is disappointed that many people are still unwilling to leave their house key with someone of different ethnicity (p 107). Distrust of the police amongst the Black Caribbean population was noted (p 88).
Integration.
The Report is clear where it wants to go. Its first recommendation is for ‘A new national integration strategy for modern Britain’, followed by the mandatory publication of integration figures by local authorities, especially on residence and schooling (p 131). Trevor Phillips’ Foreword urges ‘integration won’t happen naturally’ (p 9). So it is rightly aware of the danger of a ‘multi-culturalism’ which is content for people to live in their own ethnic silos, made worse when identities are augmented to become firmly established corporate, political or religious groups; and firmed up by default through continued large scale immigration. Further recommendations make sensible and readily implementable policies such as the restoration of neighbourhood policing. Nonetheless integration essentially happens through personal choice. Society can rightly hinder divisiveness, especially through education policies, and by maintaining just civil order (including the prevention of illegal immigration) but ultimately in thrives in a climate of freedom where people are discovering the value and enrichment found through drawing close to those who are different.
Takeaways for the Church.
* The emphasis on integration is a golden opportunity for churches. We should be constantly striving to create communities marked by diversity in membership, leadership and ethos. Living out in our relationships Jesus’ prayer that we be one speaks directly to the needs of our society.
* Class is a more determinative of people’s life chances than race, and yet the church continues to give considerable attention to issues of racial justice whilst still struggling to get to grips with its increasing disappearance from working class areas. We still see the ‘marginalised’ in race rather than class terms.
* We should abandon our reticence about the centrality of stable marriages and family relationships. The Report identifies it as a major factor in why many ethnic groups in Britain succeed, and growing up without a father a main reason for the poor outcomes, especially in education, for the Black Caribbean and White/Black Caribbean mixed group. It is also indicated by the very poor outcomes of White English pupils on free school meals. The Church’s fear of seeming ‘traditionalist’ or of valuing ‘respectability’ by asserting the vital importance of stable marriage in the nurturing of the next generation is a major betrayal of our commitment to racial and social justice.
* The Report emphasises the significance and special characteristics of specific ethnicities yet we still stubbornly hang on to the conceptually misleading and increasingly useless broad brush category of ‘UKME/GMH’. Appointing south Indian bishops is no solution to the alienation of young Black Caribbean men.
* The growth of MINTs underlines the growing need for virtually all parish clergy to be effectively trained to minister in inter-cultural settings.
* Whilst, despite its title, the Report says virtually nothing about religion, it is worth noting (on p 112) that amongst both Black Africans and Black Caribbeans 55% worship ‘exclusively or predominantly’ with people of the same ethnic group (which happens more with South Asians – presumably Moslems or Hindus, but less with Chinese people).
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Add Ons.
The Intercultural Leadership Forum meets this Thursday May 15 2025 at London City Mission on the theme: Intercultural Church and Racial Justice, seeking to draw together the too-easily separated themes of building intercultural churches and seeking racial justice. Details from Eunice Lee at e.lee@eauk.org . (My blogs # 129 ‘Racial Justice or Make Disciples of All Nations’ and # 162 ‘Race and Justice, Race and Evangelism’ discusses the issue).
Also available from the Evangelical Alliance One People Commission is a challenging article on ‘Why did Jesus speak Aramaic? A Biblical Theology for Decolonised Mission’ by Dr Israel Olofinjana. (His book ‘Discipleship, Suffering and Racial Justice’ is reviewed at blog # 60).
Thank you, John, I appreciate your Substack and careful, prayerful, insightful analyses of important things I do not have time to investigate.